Redistricting for Balanced Access



Amendment XXVIII, (proposed), Section 3:

"Districts will represent economic level and geography,

but no person’s access to government will be abridged.”

 ​​Since all districts must have the same number of people,

every economic level will have someone pursuing their interests in the House. 

Two-factor districting retains balance in two ways:


  • among economic levels,
  • and among state sizes.


Then the section's final clause keeps all districts equal inside Congress, carrying it through.


Safeguarding access to government requires balancing the power of districts to prevent abridgment.

This keeps Representatives from poorer districts from being assigned less-powerful positions.

Together, these clauses cut even unconscious corruption, dramatically increasing the effectiveness

of public campaign funding.


Retaining equal access to our legislators by the wealthy, the poor and the middle class

in a solely or primarily geographic district is impossible.

For example, the wealthy can threaten to relocate, removing their taxes from the community.

Seats in state legislatures are often held by large business or property owners and their attorneys.

Congress was designed with one House elected by the public and one by state legislatures 

to balance the needs of all economic levels. It didn’t work.

Even after switching to a popularly elected Senate, both Houses tend to favor the well-off. 

 

The constituents a Representative sees the most, whose problems become most familiar,

are those at the higher end of the district's economic range. A bright-line rule is the only way to address

this kind of imbalance. Dividing each state's population into two or three economic levels first,

before redistricting by geography, narrows each district's economic range,

reducing the effects of elitism and familiarity.

Each Representative covers an economic range in a larger physical area than districts today.

Each still represents a numbered district, but the map is marked in dots rather than blocks. 

In 1787, before modern transportation, communications and mass media,

legislative interests were more local than is usual now.

Today a middle-class person can have more legislative interests in common with a middle-class person

halfway across the state than with the wealthy person next door. 


 

Image, ccp2392 canvascorp.com

out-of-focus drawing, black starfield on slate blue